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brishen's review against another edition
5.0
Just after the global financial crisis of 2008 the Nobel Prize in Economics was awarded to Elinor Ostrom for her work on Common Pool Resources (CPR). While I'm not sure if there was a correlation between the two events, it does seem that giving the award to someone who's body of work shows that people can successfully handle pooled resources without government regulation or privatization was at least a happy coincidence.
In this book Ostrom details a variety of different situations around the world where people have come up with solutions for dealing with CPR. Some situations have been highly successful, others not as much, but all are described in great detail along with analysis on why the situation has been or not been able to work. The overall thesis is to show that the most popular models used in dealing with common resources, mainly the tragedy of the commons, are very pessimistic and are only good for people who have no communication or are very short sighted. The last chapter in particular details explicitly problems with trying to use tractable models in economics and sets out her own parameters for future policy makers to use.
I highly recommend this book to anyone who deals in public policy and thinks that there is one solution that will work in all times and all places.
In this book Ostrom details a variety of different situations around the world where people have come up with solutions for dealing with CPR. Some situations have been highly successful, others not as much, but all are described in great detail along with analysis on why the situation has been or not been able to work. The overall thesis is to show that the most popular models used in dealing with common resources, mainly the tragedy of the commons, are very pessimistic and are only good for people who have no communication or are very short sighted. The last chapter in particular details explicitly problems with trying to use tractable models in economics and sets out her own parameters for future policy makers to use.
I highly recommend this book to anyone who deals in public policy and thinks that there is one solution that will work in all times and all places.
stevia333k's review against another edition
5.0
Incredibly important, gives us info about how long it takes the negotiation way to actually get ecological ethical governance. It's at least 30 years.
It gives us info about what successful agreements have.
The major ones according to the notes, so Elinor Ostrom has a lot of experience with the West California water governance negotiations circa 1960.
She talks about fisheries a lot in the book.
The last notes number points, give referrals. This is important because economics has proven to be more like conservative bullshit covering racist & bourgeois abuses. I gave a bunch of notes so
It gives us info about what successful agreements have.
The major ones according to the notes, so Elinor Ostrom has a lot of experience with the West California water governance negotiations circa 1960.
She talks about fisheries a lot in the book.
The last notes number points, give referrals. This is important because economics has proven to be more like conservative bullshit covering racist & bourgeois abuses. I gave a bunch of notes so
james_g_mcgoon's review against another edition
5.0
This book was almost unreadably dry and boring at times but im very glad to have read it.
aegagrus's review
3.5
Governing the Commons is a still-timely classic, starting from the premise that local models of self-government can provide a viable alternative to the centralized state and the free market as a vehicle for responsibly allocating and maintaining shared resource pools. Ostrom starts by laying theoretical groundwork, discussing model-based approaches to collective action problems and the limitations of previous scholarship. The main portion of her work consists of an analysis of a rich secondary literature about successful, failed, and still-nascent attempts at such governance. Along the way, she begins to propose theoretical conditions under which success is more or less likely, before concluding with broader theoretical implications.
Ostrom's writing is generally trim, focused, and accessible. Readers with a background in the relevant fields may find some of her theoretical exposition trivial (in part, it must be said, due to the lasting influence of her ideas). Readers without such a background may find some of her reflections opaque, particularly those reflections working from the lexicon of game theory. Either type of reader, though, will be able to grasp the general criteria Ostrom puts forward amid her often detailed work with case studies.
Some readers today might find the polemical portions of this book no longer necessary, or find the theory being advanced somewhat tentative, but in general this is a clear, relevant, and useful work on which to build.
Ostrom's writing is generally trim, focused, and accessible. Readers with a background in the relevant fields may find some of her theoretical exposition trivial (in part, it must be said, due to the lasting influence of her ideas). Readers without such a background may find some of her reflections opaque, particularly those reflections working from the lexicon of game theory. Either type of reader, though, will be able to grasp the general criteria Ostrom puts forward amid her often detailed work with case studies.
Some readers today might find the polemical portions of this book no longer necessary, or find the theory being advanced somewhat tentative, but in general this is a clear, relevant, and useful work on which to build.
ynbvu's review against another edition
As someone who knows close to nothing about governance, public policy, much less about the commons specifically, my initial prejudice was the belief for which Ostrom reproached her colleagues: that an external Leviathan must intervene to solve tragedies of the commons. It was a surprising and enlightening read, with very specific and concrete examples interspersed between fine analyses.
inquiry_from_an_anti_library's review against another edition
challenging
informative
medium-paced
5.0
Common-pool resources (CPRs) are the focus of this book. CPRs have multiple users (or appropriators of the resources). The underlying theme is creating an alternative way of organizing the use of the CPRs. Rather than the state or market (entrepreneur/firm) deciding on the fate of the resources, this book shows that local communities can organize themselves to prevent unsustainable extraction of the CPRs. Rather than an external organizing force, an internal network shaping people’s behavior.
As Ostrom shows, many communities have historically created institutions which facilitated sustainable extraction of resources, making the resource available for future generations. The resources under observation are renewable such as geographical basins and fisheries. As these resources are limited, conflict and free-riding are ubiquitous incentives. The communities had to overcome these and many problems. Rather than evading these problems, Ostrom emphasizes how the communities designed institutions which helped resolve the problems.
Infractions to the institutions can be handled informally rather than using formal means of punishing community members. As the communities under observation are local, there is an incentive to monitoring others behavior as the infractions hurt each individual. Those who break the rules tend to be handled quickly, and as everyone in the community will shortly be aware of the rule breaker. This information motivates the rule breaker not to continue with the infractions to prevent dishonor, while providing proof that the monitoring works. Social norms are highly effective at altering behavior.
Enforcement of the rules need to be credible and change as the rules change. Although the author claims that these communities did not have external authorities in dictating the terms, it seems to be contradictory with the examples, for the communities themselves created the external monitor of rules, internalized the external monitor. Each community needs predetermined rules to set the appropriate expectations, with each community varying in determining what rules there are and how to enforce them. Some communities have different rules based on the condition of the CPR. Many rules require loads of information, and the community needs to take risks to obtain the appropriate information to handle their particular CPR.
Epistemology is present in this book for Ostrom takes much time to express the need for both theory and empirical work. Many parts of this book express the formulation of how policies are designed and their evolution. Great detail went into the examples of the communities that succeeded and failed but the examples are not the most exciting, although they are extremely important. The complex situations described makes some parts more easily understood than others. Throughout the book, game theory is used, but to understand the depth of the implications requires a good deal of prior knowledge of game theory. A lot of the implications can easily be missed with no prior game theory knowledge.
As Ostrom shows, many communities have historically created institutions which facilitated sustainable extraction of resources, making the resource available for future generations. The resources under observation are renewable such as geographical basins and fisheries. As these resources are limited, conflict and free-riding are ubiquitous incentives. The communities had to overcome these and many problems. Rather than evading these problems, Ostrom emphasizes how the communities designed institutions which helped resolve the problems.
Infractions to the institutions can be handled informally rather than using formal means of punishing community members. As the communities under observation are local, there is an incentive to monitoring others behavior as the infractions hurt each individual. Those who break the rules tend to be handled quickly, and as everyone in the community will shortly be aware of the rule breaker. This information motivates the rule breaker not to continue with the infractions to prevent dishonor, while providing proof that the monitoring works. Social norms are highly effective at altering behavior.
Enforcement of the rules need to be credible and change as the rules change. Although the author claims that these communities did not have external authorities in dictating the terms, it seems to be contradictory with the examples, for the communities themselves created the external monitor of rules, internalized the external monitor. Each community needs predetermined rules to set the appropriate expectations, with each community varying in determining what rules there are and how to enforce them. Some communities have different rules based on the condition of the CPR. Many rules require loads of information, and the community needs to take risks to obtain the appropriate information to handle their particular CPR.
Epistemology is present in this book for Ostrom takes much time to express the need for both theory and empirical work. Many parts of this book express the formulation of how policies are designed and their evolution. Great detail went into the examples of the communities that succeeded and failed but the examples are not the most exciting, although they are extremely important. The complex situations described makes some parts more easily understood than others. Throughout the book, game theory is used, but to understand the depth of the implications requires a good deal of prior knowledge of game theory. A lot of the implications can easily be missed with no prior game theory knowledge.
allthatjazz423's review against another edition
Very interesting, but very scholarly. This is in no way "light reading"
tuesdaymira's review
It's amazing what a little game theory and a willingness to question the assumptions built into models accepted by colleagues will do in advancing the understanding of how people might behave with common pool resources.
Diving into academic writing on the limitations of non-cooperative models like the prisoner's dilemma, and about how we can create environments where "individuals repeatedly communicate and interact with one another" and thus "learn whom to trust, what effects their actions will have on each other and on the CPR, and how to organize themselves to gain benefits and avoid harm," is good for my soul.
Diving into academic writing on the limitations of non-cooperative models like the prisoner's dilemma, and about how we can create environments where "individuals repeatedly communicate and interact with one another" and thus "learn whom to trust, what effects their actions will have on each other and on the CPR, and how to organize themselves to gain benefits and avoid harm," is good for my soul.
loppear's review
3.0
Simplistic models of "the tragedy of the commons" assume privatization or centralized management are the only solutions to self-interested rational agents' over-consumption, and consequently narrow the range of available policy. The case studies presented here, covering common resources with geographic restrictions like fisheries, watersheds, and marginal forest/grazing lands, instead show that successfully managed commons (for 50 or 500 years) involve dynamic local participatory rule-making in nested institutions both local and regional, supporting locally-appropriate mechanisms for allocating and restricting access, enforcing transparent and incremental penalties to manage trust, and able to revise rules as circumstances change.